INTRODUCTION
The practice of
caste and the stratification of society based on caste is peculiar to India.
There have been differences of opinion as to the origin of the caste system in
India. Some say it developed on the basis of occupation one held, while others
a say it could have come into being based on the race and color. But the
general opinion is that the caste system is based on the Hindu Scriptures,
especially the Rig Veda and defined by Manu code. Commonly there are four major
castes division in ancient India. Sociologists estimate about three thousand
sub castes in India. Christianity came into India in such a context, and so it
had to face it. This paper will deal historically with the way churches and
missionaries dealt with the observance of castes.[1]
1)
Observation
of Caste in Kerala
1.1 Syrian Christians
The
Syrian Christians accepted the practice of caste distinctions among them. They
were the considered to be the converts of St.Thomas and belonged to high Caste.
The early church workers appointed by St.Thomas were also said to be from high
caste. The two Syrian group migrations which came to Malabar under the leader
ship of Thomas of Cana and Marwen Sabrisho during 4th and 9th
centuries were instructed by the local rulers to maintain their high caste
status. On that basis they were given special privileges. One group of Malabar
Christians was called as Northists (Vadakumbagar) and another called southists (Thekkumbagar)
Shows the caste distinction maintain by them. They do not inter marry. They did
not convert the low caste people.[2]
In the pre-independence
period, Untouchability was
prevalent in the Kerala society and the Syrian Christians also practiced it in
order to keep their upper-caste status. They used to go for a ritual bath to
purify themselves on physical contact with the so-called inferior castes. The
Syrian Christians did not cooperate with the evangelical activities of foreign
missionaries and they even didn't allow the new converts to join their
community since they were afraid that their noble position in the society could
have been endangered.
1.2 Goa
In the Indian state of Goa, mass conversions were carried out by Portuguese Latin
missionaries from the 16th century onwards. The Hindu converts retained their
caste practices. The continued maintenance of the caste system among the
Christians in Goa is attributed to the nature of mass conversions of entire
villages, as a result of which existing social stratification was not affected.
The Portuguese colonists, even during the Goan
Inquisition, did not do anything to change the
caste system. Thus, the original Hindu Brahmins in Goa now became Christian Bamonns and the Kshatriya and Vaishya
Vanis became Christian noblemen
called Chardos . The Christian clergy became almost exclusively Bamonn. Those Vaishya Vanis who could
not get admitted into theChardo caste
became Gauddos, and Sudras became Sudirs.
Finally, the Dalits or
Untouchables who converted to Christianity became Maharas and Chamars (an
appellation of the anti-Dalit ethnic slur Chamaar). The upper caste Gaonkar Christians have demanded that
only their community be given positions on the Pastoral Council of Goa's
Catholic Church.[3]
1.3 Central Travancore
Alexander (1971) has documented the
formation of the puthu Christians (neo-Christians). According
to him, Chermar Christians and Pulaya Christians, were mostly
converts from other lower castes mainly the Scheduled Castes. Earlier in
Central Travancore, the Pulaya Christians
were members of the Marthoma Syrian Church and the CSI Church. Even though there was no official segregation of the Syrian
and Pulaya members in the Church, the separation was prevalent.
The religious services and rituals were conducted differently at different buildings and the Syrian Christian
priest did not conduct religious duties for Pulaya Christians but
a separate person was entrusted for that. Within the Church organisation also they were not given any representation in
decision-making bodies. Conversion to Christianity for many of the
pulyas was merely a change of name and an adoption of a new name without any corresponding changes in their
beliefs and rituals.
According
to Alexander (1971), there existed a distinct social segregation between
the
pazhaya Christians (oldest Christians) and puthu Christians
(neo-Christians) in their social identity, relationships and also in their
customs and manners. In the presence of the Syrian Christians, the converts
from the lower castes had to remove their head-dress and while speaking they
had to cover their mouth with the hand. The pulaya Christians had to
address the Syrian Christians with a title `thampuran'(Lord) and `thampurati'(Lordess).
While addressing the converts, Syrian Christians used to add the suffix to
their names like Chacko Pulayan,
Thomas Pulayan, Maria Pulakkalli (female version). The
Pulaya Christians used to work as domestic help for Syrian
Christians and were given food outside the
houses in leaves or in old vessels. Syrian Christian names were unique: Chacko,
Thomas, Mammen, Ommen, Paul, Peeli,
Elizabeth, Eliamma and so on (John 2008). [4]
1. Observation of caste in Tamil Nadu
The history of
conflicts and practices results from the history of views and attitudes on both
sides of missionary and Indian. It starts with the unsettling of that apparent
equilibrium in the Tamil Christian community which could be called a Christian
jajmani, i.e Living together of different distinct groups serving each other in
a common, specific Christian frame work being their common worship and
festivals. The differences of rank and
status were not suppressed in life and in celebration of Eucharist. Different
caste groups were allowed to participate one after the other. Sitting in
separate parts of the church or on separate mats was the established custom.
The newly arrived protestant missionaries protested officially against the
segregation they found, but the older ones defended the tradition. Bishop
Heber, Catechist Christian David acknowledges the system of caste as an
entirely civil institution, which had been made rigid and sacred by the
Brahmans and now was getting restored to its original position through the
Christian faith.[5]
Bishop Wilson of Calcutta in 1833 demanded that
caste distinctions in the Church be abandoned “Decidedly, immediately and
finally”, also the new converts and confirmands openly renounce caste before
baptism and confirmation. He states that there is no longer room for the
notion, of preservation of caste as a civil institution. He draws a clear line
between the all penetrating religious ethos of caste segregation based on
birth, which must be rejected and civil distinctions among humanity based on
merit, which are legitimate. He introduced certain rules to follow: mixed
seating in church and mixed communion at the eucharist, the reception of
minister or catechists into the house in religious matters (Adidravida
catechists), no caste separation in the cemeteries and indiscriminate choice of
god-parents at baptism.[6]
i.
Caste
conflict at Madras
The reaction
that Wilson’s letter provoked in the town congregations of the Tranqubar Mission
was massive. An appeal was made to governor of Madras, Bishop by vellalars of
vepery congregation and from Tanjore Protestants. The letter to Bishop was torn
into pieces by missionaries and the catechists had been dismissed. The
Vellalars claim that if they renounce caste, they would no longer be able to
have friendly relationships with their Hindu relatives and would not be
permitted to intermarry with them. They argued we shall become either outcastes
cut off from relatives or ‘bad’ (disobedient) Christians.
The appeal by people prepared a two day discussion
in which Wilson pleaded for sitting in church and kneeling at the Lord’s Table
without caste considerations to show that all are one in Christ. His intention
was not to interfere with “national customs” and “matters of dress and food”.
But those assembled claimed that they did love Pariahs, yet could never consent
to being defiled through them by getting close to them. Bishop Wilson insisted
that the barrier of caste must be removed from the church gently, kindly and
gradually. Nevertheless schism continued. Separate services were conducted by
vellalars of Chennai.[7]
In the year 1846Samuel Kohlhoff who studied at Young
Bishop’s College with a different outlook insisted on taking his Adidravida
catechist along with him into the house of the Vellalar Sorunam Pillai for
baptizing his sick child, but was resisted. When the child, baptized by his
father died and was not buried in the church cemetery, when the service was
conducted by Adidravida catechist. These Vellalars formed the Tamil Christian
Church society with sorunam as secretary and a vellala catechist as
‘Lector’. In 1848 the TCCS was admitted
into the LELM under the condition- that “in the church, especially at the Holy
communion, there is no caste distinction”.[8]
The Free Church of Scotland brought a radical
renunciation of caste among their first converts to state that “caste and
religion are synonymous” and that a distinction between a civil and a religious
element in caste is impossible to maintain. Later SPG declared the above. The
American Madurai mission started to require proof of freedom from caste
scruples outside the church, at least by drinking a cup of tea together with an
Adidravidar. As a result of failing in that test, in 1847 the AMM debarred 72
Christians from the Lord’s Table, among them 38 are catechists. The Madras
Missionary Conference of 1848 demanded that nobody be baptized unless he had
eaten food prepared by a ‘Pariah’. The LELM suggest that all divisions of caste
were to be overcome gradually but completely by Christian faith. But that
conviction did not prevail.
Thus at the cost of losing several experienced
missionaries, a new Lutheran mission ‘without caste’ was started. Policy was
framed not to demand tests, but to introduce promises at ordination, to condemn
‘caste in church’, but not ot enforce anything by law. In 1881 at Vepery it was
through the efforts of Pastor. Devasahayam the younger generation Vellalars and
Adidravidars took communion in one row, Vellalars after Adidravidars, slowly
became accepted and customary.[9]
The Roman Catholic along with the Protestants, at
least in Paris Foreign Mission (MEP) in Northern Tamil Nadu attempted to attack
caste distinctions. Equality of all caste was a matter of intensive discussion
in the Synod of Pondicherry. The seating arrangements in church and entering
into church were discussed and the Bishops and missionaries were accused for
abolishing the caste system. Some people felt that eating with Fathers in
seminary was contamination.[10]
ii.
Caste
conflict at South India
Bishop Gell
(1868) had to make fresh inquires in connection with a common meal as attest
among Indian employees and their families of the Trinelveli Dist. The
conversion of vellalars of about 200 formed a counterpoise to the Nadar
majority in the Church. It was not by the missionaries led to the tensions
rather than the rising consciousness and assertiveness of a particular group.
The rising Consciousness are: i) New mythology of Kshatriya origin, claim
against ‘Shudra’ Vellalars.[11]
A.S Appaswamy(1883) filed a defamation case in court
and won the case which led CMS to establish schools for ‘High caste’ pupil’s
only. They started to sit together in Church in chairs not in mats. They also
insisted that only one of their own should be recognized as successor to Bishop
Sargent who died in 1889.They demanded equal numerical representation in the
congregational committees introduced by Barton to be elected by common ballot. In
reaction missionaries revived their attack on caste, by dropping the caste
names at announcement in church and proposing a uniform thali for all castes.
They pleaded to keep their social customs, Traditional Kudumi, to win their
Hindu relatives and to have fellowship with them. [12]
Muthiah Pillai formed a Caste Suppression society in
1893 which fought against ‘ Caste Titles’, held inter-caste meals and
encouraged inter caste marriages, but had little effect on the Whole. In 1910
it could still be deplored by the frustrated founder of the Caste Suppression
society of Trinelveli, missionary sharrock, that caste observance never really
has been a barrier to ordination, that inter marriages were not practiced among
clergy, and while common break fasts were taken with the missionary to please
him, no hospitality was accepted from members of other castes.[13]
The introduction of individual cups at Holy
Communion in some churches(AMM), with the argument that many Hindus will find
it easier to join the church, and the custom of pouring wine into the mouths of
communicants by way spouts on the
chalices made one of the victories of the past in the religious realm of caste
practices somewhat absolute.
In Roman Catholic Madurai Mission (kosavapati
1860)Vanniyars refused their priest to enter in the church for 16 years,
because he accompanied with Vellalal catechist. In Trinelveli the parishes of
Vadakankulam and Kallikulam where Vellalars were dominant fought against Nadar
uprising in them. They closed the streets, refused to take communion with them
and a wall was constructed between them in church.[14]
2. Missionaries’ position on caste
St Francis Xavier
(1542-1552):- This Roman Catholic Missionary concentrated on converting the low
castes like pearl fishery folk on the Coromandel Coast and the Mukkuvars. He
found it difficult to convert the high castes. As a result Christianity was
considered as low caste religion by the high caste people. It was also known as
‘Pharangi Marga’. Though the word denotes Portuguese, it suggested meat eating,
wine drinking, loose living, arrogant persons etc.[15] He
baptized large numbers of another fishery caste in Travancore Mukkuvars, his assistants
baptized another community in the island of Mannar.[16]
Father
Gonçalo:- A mission had been established there in
1594 by a fifty-four year old Portuguese Jesuit, Gonçalo Fernandez. He worked
exclusively with Paravas who had immigrated to Madurai and with Portuguese
trades people. The hub of his activity was a missionary compound on the city's
outskirts. Fernandez said mass and heard confessions in the small mission
chapel, directed the mission school for boys, and oversaw the mission
dispensary. He had made attempts to reach higher caste people with the gospel
and had sought to interest the Nayak (the regional king) in Christianity.
However, these evangelistic efforts among people of caste had been
unsuccessful. In eleven years, the Madurai mission had seen no converts from
Hinduism. All of the one hundred individuals to whom Father Gonçalo ministered
were either Paravas or Portuguese.[17]
Robert
De Nobili (1606-1656):- Robert De Nobili arrived
at the Coromandal coast of Tamil Nadu in 1606, worked among parava community
for few months and then moved to Madurai. He founded that the mission did not
yield, and thought to find the cause. Analyzing, he found out caste system is
hindrance to mission and sought to find a new method for an effective ministry.
In November 1607 he got permission to adopt the new method and faced lot of
trouble in his mission. He wore ‘ Kavi” robes, wooden sandals, ate rice,
vegetables, fruit and milk lived as an typical Indian sannyasi. His new method
attracted the high caste youth and resulted in conversions. They were not
required to break caste, change their dress, food, mode of life, or to join
with the Parava congregation. They were permitted to wear the sacred cord and
hair tuft. Nobili understood caste as a social system and custom parallel to
distinctions of class and rank in Europe. He believed and taught that when one
embraces Christianity, that person need not leave caste. His method came to be
known as “Accomodation Theory”. During 1623 the mission was expanded to salem,
Trichra palli, Moramangalam. There were more converts from Sudra and Adidravida
castes, ministering to those people became problem. The missionaries tried to
solve it by ministering to higher caste in day and others in night; but this
was unsatisfactory. His mission was not successful and his method divides
Christians on caste.[18]
Ziegenbalg,
Pluetschau:- A few of their converts from Roman
church brought their caste distinctions with them. Ziegenbalg did not take any
firm decision to root out caste distinction from among his converts. This may
be because of the many problems he faced in his pioneering missionary
enterprise. The church building he erected in Tranquebar called the New
Jerusalem Church was in a cruciform. In this church, the sudra men sat on one side
of the nave and the others on the other women in the other; at Holy communion
all the Sudras, men and women, communicated first and the others afterwards. A
similar distinction was made in school, the Adidravida children were dressed in
western cloths, so that they can rank as ‘ Portuguse’. [19]
Schultze:-
Schultze headed the Tranquebar mission in 1720 did not like the policy of
observing caste distinctions in the mission. He began to attack it without
mincing words. He tried to stop it through an order, which resulted in
opposition and discontent. Some of the converts left the mission and join in
Roman Catholic, as a result the Danish-Halle mission with drew Schultz. Walther
and Pressier came to India as successor and restored the old practice.[20]
C.S
Schwartz (1750-1762):- Schwartz acknowledges the
difficulty in eradicating the observance of caste distinctions among Indian
Christians and felt it could be overcome by educating the converts. The high
caste people sit at one side and lower caste on the other side. He made the
lower caste people to wear clean cloths so that they could be respected by the
higher caste. During his time ‘country priest and catechists’ belonged to one
of the higher castes. He felt that caste distinction among his converts
gradually disappearing and hoped that it would be entirely forgotten in the
course of time.[21]
C.T.E.Rhenius(1825):-
A missionary of CMS did not permit his seminary students to practice caste
distinctions. When the students disobeyed he closed the seminary for a while
and reopened it after the students abide by his stand on the matter. [22]
4. Missionary conference and caste
debates
South Indian Regional Missionary
Conference (19th April -5th may 1858 at Ootacamaudu):-
The conference condemned caste as the Monster evil of India. It is the duty of
all missionaries to denounce the wickedness of caste.
Missionary Conference for South
India and Ceylon (1879 at Bangalore):- This conference
regards Hindu caste both in theory and practice as not merely civil
distinction, but emphatically religious institution. It opposes the Christian
doctrine of one human nature and brotherhood of all Christians. The duty of
church and missionaries is to require its entire renuntion with all its outward
manifestation by all those who desire to enter Church of Christ.[23]
Missionary Conference of 1900:-
The cooperation of two castes (Vellalars and Adidravida) paved way for Leipzig
Lutherans to attend the conference. The best ways of dealing with caste are so
varied; it can suggest no hard and fast rules. Any person who breaks the law of
Christ by observing caste holds any office in connection with the Church. All
lawful means to eradicate the unchristian system, effort is made to convince
mission agents and the members of our mission churches of the folly and
wickedness of caste prejudice.[24]
CONCLUSION
The question of caste observance by Indian
Christians was a point for discussion in almost all the missionary Conferences
which proves that though the missionaries in general wished to abolish it, the
Indian Christian community could not get over it. Students in missionary
educational institutions were seated together irrespective of their castes.
Patients were given treatment alike and beds for in patients had no
distinctions. Adding to this industrialization, western education paved the way
for lessening if not eradicating the observance of caste practices. In spite of
these, we see an upsurge of caste feelings both within and outside the church
in independent India.[25]
BIBLIOGARPHY
Firth C.B, An Introduction to Church History, New
Delhi: ISPCK, 2003.
Jeyakumar, Arther .D. History of Christianity in
India, New Delhi: ISPCK, 2002.
Grafe, Hugald. History of Christianity in India Vol
IV, Part 2 Bangalore: CHAI 1990. 97-
WEBLIOGRAPHY
shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/jspui/bitstream/10603/.../11_chapter%203.pdf
on 20.08.2013 at 10:50 pm
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste_system_among_Indian_Christians
on 20.08.2013 at 10:56 pm
[1] D.Arthur Jeya Kumar, History of
Christianity in India,p.43.
[2] Ibid.
[3] en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste_system_among_Indian_Christians
0n 20.08.2013 at 10:56 pm
[4] shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/jspui/bitstream/10603/.../11_chapter%203.pdf
on 20.08.2013 at 10:50 pm
[5] Hugald Grafe, History of
Christianity in India,Vol.IV,Part 2,p.97.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid, p.98.
[8] Hugald Grafe, Op.cit., p. 101.
[9] Ibid, p.102.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid,p.104.
[12] Hugald grafe, op.cit., p. 105.
[13] Ibid.
[14]Ibid, p.109.
[15] D.Arther Jeyakumar,op.cit, p.44
[16] C.B Firth, An Introduction to
Church History, P. 61
[18] D.Arthur Jeyakumar, op.cit.
[19] Ibid.
[20] D.Arthur Jeyakumar, Op.cit., p.
48.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Ibid, p.51.
[23] Ibid, p.52.
[24] Hugald Garfe,p. 106.
[25] D.Arthur Jeyakumar, op cit.,
p.53.
No comments:
Post a Comment