Rituals and worship

INTRODUCTION

The huge variety of religious practices in Hinduism makes it impossible to give a detailed account of the Hindu ritual. The caste, sect, religion are the main causes of diversification, together with the special circumstances of city life which make a faithful observance of the ritual more difficult. But, although ritual orthodoxy is on the decline among the urban population, it would be a mistake to think that it is dead. In villages and in many homes in the cities, religious practices are faithfully observed and give the devotees spiritual comfort.[1]

I.RITUALS AND WORSHIP

Ritual is essential in all Hindu worship; there are two types of rituals. Vedic ritual based on the Vedas and Agamic rituals concerned with image worship. There are different agamas for different parts of India, giving details about construction of temples, installation of idols and modes of worship.[2]

i) Agamic Tradition

            The worship in Hindu temple follows Agamic tradition, and the word Agama is referred to an ancient tradition, dealing with worship and the philosophical, ritualistic and behavioral aspects, which has come down by word as well as written texts. Agamas are believed to have originated from God at the time of creation itself. The salient feature of Agamas is it recommends image worship. Devotion to deity is to attain salvation and it gave rise to the cult of worship in temple. Agamic texts say about three types of worship namely bodily, verbal and mental. Bodily worship can be with or without image offering sacrifice and services to image. Verbal worship is reciting Vedic hymns and mental worship is meditating alone in seclusion upon God in ones heart or upon the form of Vishnu. The Agama text insists on the household worship.[3]

II. PRACTICES IN HOME

A Brahmin is by caste, the Hindu whose existence is completely under the sway of ritual. The other caste models their religious practices on the pattern of Brahmin life. We shall have a general idea of the ritual duties of all Hindus.[4]

i) Morning worship:- Rising before sun rise, a Brahmin is careful to avoid the sight of in auspicious persons or objects. A widow, a sweeper, a barren woman are inauspicious a ring, a cow, a little child are auspicious. His foot must touch the ground first. Once out of bed, he rinses his mouth three times and winds his Holy thread round his neck and over his right ear. After the morning toilet, he wears his holy thread round his neck and is allowed to break silence. He cleans his teeth, rinses his mouth and bows to the sun. The morning bath follows, preferably in a river, concluded before the sun rises. Seated on a low stool and facing the east, with his sacred thread from his left shoulder, he sips water, and pronounces sacred formulas applying ashes on his fore head, his arms, ribs and knees. He ties his hair. Closing one nostrils after the other, he exhales and inhales, repeating the famous gayatri mantra. Then closing both nostrils and bending his head he repeats mentally the same mantra four times. The whole process is repeated three times. Water is sprinkled to dispel the demons and more water is poured as a symbol of the bath being freed from demons for the sun to rise. The gayatri mantra is repeated 108 times. The morning worship is concluded with different positions of the fingers which symbolize different petitions. [5]

ii)Morning homa:- (oblation) is an offering of ghee, curds and rice to the fire and must precede the first meal. Homa is followed by (svadhyaya) spiritual reading with repetition of gayatri mantra followed by ceremony tarpana.[6]

iii)Deva pujana:- Worship of deity, a small room is reserved in the home as a kind of private oratory where the image of the favourite god(isteva devata), image of other gods, and various utensils were used in worship(bell, copper vessel, spoon, sandal-wood paste, incense, conch-shell, etc) are kept. The water used in the puja must be blessed. The water is sprinkled over the utensils of the worshipper. The special prayers and gestures of the worship depend on the deity who is worshipped. The worship is usually completed by a prayer asking for the forgiveness of sins.

            They did not dispose the time necessary to perform all these duties. A sandhya is also performed at noon and in the evening. It is not necessary that all the family members should involve in rites. Usually, the head of the family does it in the name of all.[7]

III.SACRIFICES

The great vedic sacrifices are no longer celebrated. They have been replaced by the puja of home and temple deities. There are 5 great sacrifices which have preserved in vedic tradition and are occationally performed by wealthy Hindus to assure their liberation or of relative of friend.[8]

i)Maharudra sacrifice:- It is believed to wash away the sins of the person for whom it is offered, whether he be alive or dead. Eleven Brahmins officiate as sacrificers, one as acarya, one as Brahma, one as sadaayapati, one as ganapati, one as upadrastr, four as door keepers, to keep the demons away. The fire lit at the beginning must burn continually for the five or eleven days till the sacrifice lasts. The god rudra and attendant deities are installed. Worship will goes on the whole time and every evening there is arati (waving of lamps).[9]

ii)Gayatri purascarana:- a house holder is expected during his life to repeat the gayatri 2,400,000 times. Towards the end of his life, if he has doubts regarding the fulfillment of that duty, he may perform the Gayatri purascarana. A number of Brahmins are invited who will recite the gayatri during several days until the number is completed. The ritual resembles that of the Maharudra. While the mantra is recieted, ghee is continually poured into the fire.[10]

iii)Candi-patha:- It is performed to propitiate Candi, the consort of Siva. The candi patha is a passage from Markandeya Purana containing 700 stanzas. The form of worship is repeating those stanzas for 100 or 1,000 or 100,000 times.

iv)Homa sacrifice:- In homa sacrifice butter was offered that the smoke of the fire was visible for 20 miles around. The Homa sacrifice is offered to the gods.[11]

v)Sacrifices in Temple

The word sacrifice (yajna) is also used in a broader sense for the five sacrifices which a house holder must offer every day. According to manu smiriti reading the Holy scripture is the sacrifice to Brahma.

 Pitryajnastu tarpanam:- The sacrifice to the ancestors.

Balirbhutayajnah:- The feeding of animals is offered to the elements.

Nryajno thitipujanam:- Hospitality is the sacrifice offered to men.

Animal sacrifice:- Animal sacrifices are not offered to Vishnu and rarely to siva. But the consort of siva, kali, or Durga must be propitiated by the shedding of blood. In the court yard of the temple V shaped iron forks are fixed in the ground. Worshippers bring male goats and buffaloes. The priest’s assistant pass the head of the animal into the fork and the priests beheads the animal. The head must fall at the first stroke of the knife, otherwise the sacrifice is not auspicious.[12]

IV.TEMPLE WORSHIP

Hindu temple is the sanctuary of a god or godess and not a place of public worship. There is no liturgical service for the congregation and the sacraments are not administered in the temple. The priest alone performs the ritual ceremonies without any participation of the laity. Courts and buildings may be attached to the temple for the convenience of the pilgrims. The religious practices which are performed in them have a private character. Some read their holy books, others recite their beads, there are religious songs and religious instructions. The innermost chamber of the temple contains the symbol of the main god, while other shrines may be built around for other deities. There are images for gods and the priest treats the god as living beings. He was given bath, dressed neatly, given meal, rest in noon, before sunset refreshments are given and at dusk lamp wavering ceremony is performed. After changing his cloths the priests prepares him for night rest. Private worship in the temples consists in offering prayers and oblations between the regular intervals of the priestly ritual. The worshipper gives his offering to the priest, bows before the image goes round the temple with his right side turned towards the deity and at the end receives from the priest a little part of the offering which has been presented to the deity. That is called prasada. Vows also can be taken for obtaining of a favor.[13]

i)Image worship

Image worship in India can be traced back to pre-Vedic times; the Indus valley civilization knew this type of worship. The veneration of aniconic symbols like sacred stones and trees is also of very ancient origin. The Bagavad gita commanded bakthi and puja offered to a god if his statue could be enthroned in a room or in a shrine. From second century kings and rich men began to rival one another in building large and beautiful temples. The Hindu image world is complex. The idol should be consecrated before worshipping. It is made of clay, stone or metal, and had been bought or brought without much show of respect. After consecrating the devote worshipper believes that the statue has been transformed into the very body of the god or at least into his adobe.[14]

ii)Variety of Hindu idols:-Hindu scriptures distinguished at least 8 kinds of images according to the material selected: stone, wood, metal, sandal wood, a picture, paper, sand, precious stones and mental image. Ritually images are classified as gold, silver, copper, diamond, stone, sacred or sacrificial wood, iron, conch-shell, brass, etc. The majority of Hindu worshippers adore clay or stone images not mental pictures.

iii)Purpose of worship:- The purpose of image worship is to help the worshipper in mediation and to get concentration.

Aniconic:- Many objects of worship are aniconic.

            Siva is most commonly worshipped in the shape of a stone from the Narmada, the vanalinga, or in the shape of traditional linga.

            Vishnu is worshipped in the shape of a black stone found in the Gandaki river, called Salagrama.

            Durga is adored in the shape of a metallic stone.

            Ganesa is adored in the form of a red stone.

Many of these idols don’t need consecration they are self consecrated.[15]

Vehicles of gods

 Sitala rides an ass, sasthi a cat, Manasa snake, Siva his bull, Durga a lion, Kartik a peacock, Ganesa and mouse, Lakshmi and the owl, Sarasvati and the swan, Agni and the goat, Narayana and garuda bird each deity has a special animal companion, emblem or support.[16]

V.SPECIAL OBSERVANCES

1.Religious practices

i)Astrology and omens:- The astrologer composes the horoscope at the exact moment of the child’s birth and it is the most important document to be consulted before all the events of life; profession, marriage, choice of bride. The future character of the child is described in the horoscope and details such as: color of cloth to wear, education will be decided by astrologer.[17]

ii)Days of the week:-  It carry with them auspicious and inauspicious regulations. Monday (somavara) is specially cedicated to god siva, cloths, shoes and eastward journey should not be done. Monday is auspicious for birthand wedding. Tuesday (mangalavara), Mangala means auspicious and the name of planet Mars. Sowing seeds, shaving, entering a new house or opening a shop, travelling to north are inauspicious. Wednessday (Budhavara) is the day of Mercury, a lucky for a birth of a son but unlucky for a daughter. Anything done on wednessday will bear double fruit. It is a good day to buy cloth or to start a case in court. Thursday (Brhaspatvara) Brhaspati is the preceptor of the gods send your child to a new school, eat white food and do not travel southward. Friday (Sukravara) the day of the planet Venus, a good day to buy land and tress, southward travel should be avoided. Saturday (Sanivara) the day of the planet Saturn and especially dedicated to Hanuman and it is bad and slow day. It is good to begin friendship, engage a servant to move to a new house. Sunday (Ravivara) the day of the sun Barren womens and lepers fast on Sundays. It is a good day to study mantras and to travel.[18]

iii)The days of month and Eclipses:- Eleventh day (ekadasi) of every month is holiest and brings luck to any enterprise or journey. Widows and devout Hindus fast on this day. The first, fourth, ninth and fourteenth days are inauspicious. Women fast on full moon day till moon rises. The amavasya day is dedicated to the ancestors. When eclipse occurs Hindus bathe and repeat gayatri mantra to help the sun from defiling influence of Rahu.[19]

iv)Demons and ghosts:- Hindus wear amulets around the arm to avoid evil influences of demons and wicked spirits. The amulet contain the image of a god, a small bit of paper ar bark on which a spell is written, a coil of thread, a tuft of hair etc. Wandering spirits must be propitiated by offering them a home and worship.[20]

VI.IMPACT OF RITUALS IN CHRISTIANITY

As we are living in a Hindu based society, lot of rituals and observances have been followed by Christians. When missionaries came many of the rituals and observances which has cultural values and religious based are condemned and converted Christians are not allowed to follow them. But it is necessary to think because today Christianity is transmitted into cultures, so it should be analyzed. Christians often rejected that they are free from rituals and observances but they follow certain rituals on the basis of Christianity which has no cultural values.

            In some traditional church arathi is offered in the altar, Hindus offer flowers and arathi to their deity. Paying homage to a man is done by garlanding and in Hindu worship homage to God is done by flowers. Christians observe a day for dead all saints day as that of Hindu who gives thithi in remembering their forefathers.

CONCLUSION

There are many rituals and rites followed by Christians it is not Hindus who are doing such rituals. Often we condemn them as evil; there are rituals which can be assimilated by church. The new convert finds our churches and our worship as unfamiliar because we following western ritual. Christianity does not lie in the fact Hinduism is full of superstitions, because in the middle ages Christians were attracted to witch craft and there are rituals and practices like Hindu does and believes.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Smet,De.R,and J. Neuner, Religious Hinduism, Bombay, St. Paul society,1997.

Brown, A. David, A Guide to Religions, New Delhi, ISPCK, 1973.

Micheal ,Jesudhasan. Worship in the Agamic tradition of Hinduism, Bangalore, ATC, 2006.

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[1] R.De Smet and J.Neuner, Religious Hinduism, Bombay, St Pauls Society,200

[2] Jesudhasan Micheal, Worship in the Agamic tradition of Hinduism, ATC,17

[3] Ibid, 19

[4] R.De Smet and J.Neuner, Ibid.

[5] Ibid

[6] Ibid,201.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid,202

[9] Ibid.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid,203.

[12] Ibid,203

[13] David A Brown, A Guide to Religions,New Delhi, ISPCK,81

[14] R.De Smet and J.Neuner,Ibid,220

[15] Ibid,223

[16] Ibid224.

[17] Ibid,205.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Ibid,206.

[20] Ibid,207.

Christian missionaries and Caste in Tamil Nadu & Kerala

INTRODUCTION

The practice of caste and the stratification of society based on caste is peculiar to India. There have been differences of opinion as to the origin of the caste system in India. Some say it developed on the basis of occupation one held, while others a say it could have come into being based on the race and color. But the general opinion is that the caste system is based on the Hindu Scriptures, especially the Rig Veda and defined by Manu code. Commonly there are four major castes division in ancient India. Sociologists estimate about three thousand sub castes in India. Christianity came into India in such a context, and so it had to face it. This paper will deal historically with the way churches and missionaries dealt with the observance of castes.[1]

1)      Observation of Caste in Kerala

1.1  Syrian Christians

            The Syrian Christians accepted the practice of caste distinctions among them. They were the considered to be the converts of St.Thomas and belonged to high Caste. The early church workers appointed by St.Thomas were also said to be from high caste. The two Syrian group migrations which came to Malabar under the leader ship of Thomas of Cana and Marwen Sabrisho during 4^th and 9^th centuries were instructed by the local rulers to maintain their high caste status. On that basis they were given special privileges. One group of Malabar Christians was called as Northists (Vadakumbagar) and another called southists (Thekkumbagar) Shows the caste distinction maintain by them. They do not inter marry. They did not convert the low caste people.[2]

In the pre-independence period, Untouchability was prevalent in the Kerala society and the Syrian Christians also practiced it in order to keep their upper-caste status. They used to go for a ritual bath to purify themselves on physical contact with the so-called inferior castes. The Syrian Christians did not cooperate with the evangelical activities of foreign missionaries and they even didn't allow the new converts to join their community since they were afraid that their noble position in the society could have been endangered.

1.2 Goa

In the Indian state of Goa, mass conversions were carried out by Portuguese Latin missionaries from the 16th century onwards. The Hindu converts retained their caste practices. The continued maintenance of the caste system among the Christians in Goa is attributed to the nature of mass conversions of entire villages, as a result of which existing social stratification was not affected. The Portuguese colonists, even during the Goan Inquisition, did not do anything to change the caste system. Thus, the original Hindu Brahmins in Goa now became Christian Bamonns and the Kshatriya and Vaishya Vanis became Christian noblemen called Chardos . The Christian clergy became almost exclusively Bamonn. Those Vaishya Vanis who could not get admitted into theChardo caste became Gauddos, and Sudras became Sudirs. Finally, the Dalits or Untouchables who converted to Christianity became Maharas and Chamars (an appellation of the anti-Dalit ethnic slur Chamaar). The upper caste Gaonkar Christians have demanded that only their community be given positions on the Pastoral Council of Goa's Catholic Church.[3]

1.3 Central Travancore

Alexander (1971) has documented the formation of the puthu Christians (neo-Christians). According to him, Chermar Christians and Pulaya Christians, were mostly converts from other lower castes mainly the Scheduled Castes. Earlier in Central Travancore, the Pulaya Christians were members of the Marthoma Syrian Church and the CSI Church. Even though there was no official segregation of the Syrian and Pulaya members in the Church, the separation was prevalent. The religious services and rituals were conducted differently at different buildings and the Syrian Christian priest did not conduct religious duties for Pulaya Christians but a separate person was entrusted for that. Within the Church organisation also they were not given any representation in decision-making bodies. Conversion to Christianity for many of the pulyas was merely a change of name and an adoption of a new name without any corresponding changes in their beliefs and rituals.

According to Alexander (1971), there existed a distinct social segregation between

the pazhaya Christians (oldest Christians) and puthu Christians (neo-Christians) in their social identity, relationships and also in their customs and manners. In the presence of the Syrian Christians, the converts from the lower castes had to remove their head-dress and while speaking they had to cover their mouth with the hand. The pulaya Christians had to address the Syrian Christians with a title `thampuran'(Lord) and `thampurati'(Lordess). While addressing the converts, Syrian Christians used to add the suffix to their names like Chacko Pulayan, Thomas Pulayan, Maria Pulakkalli (female version). The Pulaya Christians used to work as domestic help for Syrian Christians and were given food outside the houses in leaves or in old vessels. Syrian Christian names were unique: Chacko, Thomas, Mammen, Ommen, Paul, Peeli, Elizabeth, Eliamma and so on (John 2008). [4]

1.      Observation of caste in Tamil Nadu

The history of conflicts and practices results from the history of views and attitudes on both sides of missionary and Indian. It starts with the unsettling of that apparent equilibrium in the Tamil Christian community which could be called a Christian jajmani, i.e Living together of different distinct groups serving each other in a common, specific Christian frame work being their common worship and festivals.  The differences of rank and status were not suppressed in life and in celebration of Eucharist. Different caste groups were allowed to participate one after the other. Sitting in separate parts of the church or on separate mats was the established custom. The newly arrived protestant missionaries protested officially against the segregation they found, but the older ones defended the tradition. Bishop Heber, Catechist Christian David acknowledges the system of caste as an entirely civil institution, which had been made rigid and sacred by the Brahmans and now was getting restored to its original position through the Christian faith.[5]

Bishop Wilson of Calcutta in 1833 demanded that caste distinctions in the Church be abandoned “Decidedly, immediately and finally”, also the new converts and confirmands openly renounce caste before baptism and confirmation. He states that there is no longer room for the notion, of preservation of caste as a civil institution. He draws a clear line between the all penetrating religious ethos of caste segregation based on birth, which must be rejected and civil distinctions among humanity based on merit, which are legitimate. He introduced certain rules to follow: mixed seating in church and mixed communion at the eucharist, the reception of minister or catechists into the house in religious matters (Adidravida catechists), no caste separation in the cemeteries and indiscriminate choice of god-parents at baptism.[6]

        i.            Caste conflict at Madras

The reaction that Wilson’s letter provoked in the town congregations of the Tranqubar Mission was massive. An appeal was made to governor of Madras, Bishop by vellalars of vepery congregation and from Tanjore Protestants. The letter to Bishop was torn into pieces by missionaries and the catechists had been dismissed. The Vellalars claim that if they renounce caste, they would no longer be able to have friendly relationships with their Hindu relatives and would not be permitted to intermarry with them. They argued we shall become either outcastes cut off from relatives or ‘bad’ (disobedient) Christians.

The appeal by people prepared a two day discussion in which Wilson pleaded for sitting in church and kneeling at the Lord’s Table without caste considerations to show that all are one in Christ. His intention was not to interfere with “national customs” and “matters of dress and food”. But those assembled claimed that they did love Pariahs, yet could never consent to being defiled through them by getting close to them. Bishop Wilson insisted that the barrier of caste must be removed from the church gently, kindly and gradually. Nevertheless schism continued. Separate services were conducted by vellalars of Chennai.[7]

In the year 1846Samuel Kohlhoff who studied at Young Bishop’s College with a different outlook insisted on taking his Adidravida catechist along with him into the house of the Vellalar Sorunam Pillai for baptizing his sick child, but was resisted. When the child, baptized by his father died and was not buried in the church cemetery, when the service was conducted by Adidravida catechist. These Vellalars formed the Tamil Christian Church society with sorunam as secretary and a vellala catechist as ‘Lector’.  In 1848 the TCCS was admitted into the LELM under the condition- that “in the church, especially at the Holy communion, there is no caste distinction”.[8]

The Free Church of Scotland brought a radical renunciation of caste among their first converts to state that “caste and religion are synonymous” and that a distinction between a civil and a religious element in caste is impossible to maintain. Later SPG declared the above. The American Madurai mission started to require proof of freedom from caste scruples outside the church, at least by drinking a cup of tea together with an Adidravidar. As a result of failing in that test, in 1847 the AMM debarred 72 Christians from the Lord’s Table, among them 38 are catechists. The Madras Missionary Conference of 1848 demanded that nobody be baptized unless he had eaten food prepared by a ‘Pariah’. The LELM suggest that all divisions of caste were to be overcome gradually but completely by Christian faith. But that conviction did not prevail.

Thus at the cost of losing several experienced missionaries, a new Lutheran mission ‘without caste’ was started. Policy was framed not to demand tests, but to introduce promises at ordination, to condemn ‘caste in church’, but not ot enforce anything by law. In 1881 at Vepery it was through the efforts of Pastor. Devasahayam the younger generation Vellalars and Adidravidars took communion in one row, Vellalars after Adidravidars, slowly became accepted and customary.[9]

The Roman Catholic along with the Protestants, at least in Paris Foreign Mission (MEP) in Northern Tamil Nadu attempted to attack caste distinctions. Equality of all caste was a matter of intensive discussion in the Synod of Pondicherry. The seating arrangements in church and entering into church were discussed and the Bishops and missionaries were accused for abolishing the caste system. Some people felt that eating with Fathers in seminary was contamination.[10]

      ii.            Caste conflict at South India

Bishop Gell (1868) had to make fresh inquires in connection with a common meal as attest among Indian employees and their families of the Trinelveli Dist. The conversion of vellalars of about 200 formed a counterpoise to the Nadar majority in the Church. It was not by the missionaries led to the tensions rather than the rising consciousness and assertiveness of a particular group. The rising Consciousness are: i) New mythology of Kshatriya origin, claim against ‘Shudra’ Vellalars.[11]

A.S Appaswamy(1883) filed a defamation case in court and won the case which led CMS to establish schools for ‘High caste’ pupil’s only. They started to sit together in Church in chairs not in mats. They also insisted that only one of their own should be recognized as successor to Bishop Sargent who died in 1889.They demanded equal numerical representation in the congregational committees introduced by Barton to be elected by common ballot. In reaction missionaries revived their attack on caste, by dropping the caste names at announcement in church and proposing a uniform thali for all castes. They pleaded to keep their social customs, Traditional Kudumi, to win their Hindu relatives and to have fellowship with them. [12]

Muthiah Pillai formed a Caste Suppression society in 1893 which fought against ‘ Caste Titles’, held inter-caste meals and encouraged inter caste marriages, but had little effect on the Whole. In 1910 it could still be deplored by the frustrated founder of the Caste Suppression society of Trinelveli, missionary sharrock, that caste observance never really has been a barrier to ordination, that inter marriages were not practiced among clergy, and while common break fasts were taken with the missionary to please him, no hospitality was accepted from members of other castes.[13]

The introduction of individual cups at Holy Communion in some churches(AMM), with the argument that many Hindus will find it easier to join the church, and the custom of pouring wine into the mouths of communicants by  way spouts on the chalices made one of the victories of the past in the religious realm of caste practices  somewhat absolute.

In Roman Catholic Madurai Mission (kosavapati 1860)Vanniyars refused their priest to enter in the church for 16 years, because he accompanied with Vellalal catechist. In Trinelveli the parishes of Vadakankulam and Kallikulam where Vellalars were dominant fought against Nadar uprising in them. They closed the streets, refused to take communion with them and a wall was constructed between them in church.[14]

2.      Missionaries’ position on caste

St Francis Xavier (1542-1552):- This Roman Catholic Missionary concentrated on converting the low castes like pearl fishery folk on the Coromandel Coast and the Mukkuvars. He found it difficult to convert the high castes. As a result Christianity was considered as low caste religion by the high caste people. It was also known as ‘Pharangi Marga’. Though the word denotes Portuguese, it suggested meat eating, wine drinking, loose living, arrogant persons etc.[15] He baptized large numbers of another fishery caste in Travancore Mukkuvars, his assistants baptized another community in the island of Mannar.[16]

Father Gonçalo:- A mission had been established there in 1594 by a fifty-four year old Portuguese Jesuit, Gonçalo Fernandez. He worked exclusively with Paravas who had immigrated to Madurai and with Portuguese trades people. The hub of his activity was a missionary compound on the city's outskirts. Fernandez said mass and heard confessions in the small mission chapel, directed the mission school for boys, and oversaw the mission dispensary. He had made attempts to reach higher caste people with the gospel and had sought to interest the Nayak (the regional king) in Christianity. However, these evangelistic efforts among people of caste had been unsuccessful. In eleven years, the Madurai mission had seen no converts from Hinduism. All of the one hundred individuals to whom Father Gonçalo ministered were either Paravas or Portuguese.[17]

Robert De Nobili (1606-1656):- Robert De Nobili arrived at the Coromandal coast of Tamil Nadu in 1606, worked among parava community for few months and then moved to Madurai. He founded that the mission did not yield, and thought to find the cause. Analyzing, he found out caste system is hindrance to mission and sought to find a new method for an effective ministry. In November 1607 he got permission to adopt the new method and faced lot of trouble in his mission. He wore ‘ Kavi” robes, wooden sandals, ate rice, vegetables, fruit and milk lived as an typical Indian sannyasi. His new method attracted the high caste youth and resulted in conversions. They were not required to break caste, change their dress, food, mode of life, or to join with the Parava congregation. They were permitted to wear the sacred cord and hair tuft. Nobili understood caste as a social system and custom parallel to distinctions of class and rank in Europe. He believed and taught that when one embraces Christianity, that person need not leave caste. His method came to be known as “Accomodation Theory”. During 1623 the mission was expanded to salem, Trichra palli, Moramangalam. There were more converts from Sudra and Adidravida castes, ministering to those people became problem. The missionaries tried to solve it by ministering to higher caste in day and others in night; but this was unsatisfactory. His mission was not successful and his method divides Christians on caste.[18]

Ziegenbalg, Pluetschau:- A few of their converts from Roman church brought their caste distinctions with them. Ziegenbalg did not take any firm decision to root out caste distinction from among his converts. This may be because of the many problems he faced in his pioneering missionary enterprise. The church building he erected in Tranquebar called the New Jerusalem Church was in a cruciform. In this church, the sudra men sat on one side of the nave and the others on the other women in the other; at Holy communion all the Sudras, men and women, communicated first and the others afterwards. A similar distinction was made in school, the Adidravida children were dressed in western cloths, so that they can rank as ‘ Portuguse’. [19]

Schultze:- Schultze headed the Tranquebar mission in 1720 did not like the policy of observing caste distinctions in the mission. He began to attack it without mincing words. He tried to stop it through an order, which resulted in opposition and discontent. Some of the converts left the mission and join in Roman Catholic, as a result the Danish-Halle mission with drew Schultz. Walther and Pressier came to India as successor and restored the old practice.[20]

C.S Schwartz (1750-1762):- Schwartz acknowledges the difficulty in eradicating the observance of caste distinctions among Indian Christians and felt it could be overcome by educating the converts. The high caste people sit at one side and lower caste on the other side. He made the lower caste people to wear clean cloths so that they could be respected by the higher caste. During his time ‘country priest and catechists’ belonged to one of the higher castes. He felt that caste distinction among his converts gradually disappearing and hoped that it would be entirely forgotten in the course of time.[21]

C.T.E.Rhenius(1825):- A missionary of CMS did not permit his seminary students to practice caste distinctions. When the students disobeyed he closed the seminary for a while and reopened it after the students abide by his stand on the matter. [22]

4. Missionary conference and caste debates

South Indian Regional Missionary Conference (19^th April -5^th may 1858 at Ootacamaudu):- The conference condemned caste as the Monster evil of India. It is the duty of all missionaries to denounce the wickedness of caste.

Missionary Conference for South India and Ceylon (1879 at Bangalore):- This conference regards Hindu caste both in theory and practice as not merely civil distinction, but emphatically religious institution. It opposes the Christian doctrine of one human nature and brotherhood of all Christians. The duty of church and missionaries is to require its entire renuntion with all its outward manifestation by all those who desire to enter Church of Christ.[23]

Missionary Conference of 1900:- The cooperation of two castes (Vellalars and Adidravida) paved way for Leipzig Lutherans to attend the conference. The best ways of dealing with caste are so varied; it can suggest no hard and fast rules. Any person who breaks the law of Christ by observing caste holds any office in connection with the Church. All lawful means to eradicate the unchristian system, effort is made to convince mission agents and the members of our mission churches of the folly and wickedness of caste prejudice.[24]

CONCLUSION

The question of caste observance by Indian Christians was a point for discussion in almost all the missionary Conferences which proves that though the missionaries in general wished to abolish it, the Indian Christian community could not get over it. Students in missionary educational institutions were seated together irrespective of their castes. Patients were given treatment alike and beds for in patients had no distinctions. Adding to this industrialization, western education paved the way for lessening if not eradicating the observance of caste practices. In spite of these, we see an upsurge of caste feelings both within and outside the church in independent India.[25]

BIBLIOGARPHY

Firth C.B, An Introduction to Church History, New Delhi: ISPCK, 2003.

Jeyakumar, Arther .D. History of Christianity in India, New Delhi: ISPCK, 2002.

Grafe, Hugald. History of Christianity in India Vol IV, Part 2 Bangalore: CHAI 1990. 97-

WEBLIOGRAPHY

shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/jspui/bitstream/10603/.../11_chapter%203.pdf on 20.08.2013 at 10:50 pm

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste_system_among_Indian_Christians on 20.08.2013 at 10:56 pm

http://home.snu.edu/~hculbert/nobili.htm

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[1] D.Arthur Jeya Kumar, History of Christianity in India,p.43.

[2] Ibid.

[3] en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste_system_among_Indian_Christians 0n 20.08.2013 at 10:56 pm

[4] shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/jspui/bitstream/10603/.../11_chapter%203.pdf on 20.08.2013 at 10:50 pm

[5] Hugald Grafe, History of Christianity in India,Vol.IV,Part 2,p.97.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid, p.98.

[8] Hugald Grafe, Op.cit., p. 101.

[9] Ibid, p.102.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid,p.104.

[12] Hugald grafe, op.cit., p. 105.

[13] Ibid.

[14]Ibid, p.109.

[15] D.Arther Jeyakumar,op.cit, p.44

[16] C.B Firth, An Introduction to Church History, P. 61

[17] http://home.snu.edu/~hculbert/nobili.htm

[18] D.Arthur Jeyakumar, op.cit.

[19] Ibid.

[20] D.Arthur Jeyakumar, Op.cit., p. 48.

[21] Ibid.

[22] Ibid, p.51.

[23] Ibid, p.52.

[24] Hugald Garfe,p. 106.

[25] D.Arthur Jeyakumar, op cit., p.53.